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Bangladesh’s first election since its Gen-Z led revolution, will have significant results on its future development and democracy. It is the first national election since the 2024 student-led uprising that shattered Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year rule, and the ballots are being presented as a much needed reset, and a chance to replace the politics of fear with legitimate political parties. However, the conditions of the election and the emerging political climate are indicative of a darker reality. In this election, the country is attempting to improvise a new political order while the wreckage of the previous remains contested. The uprising’s trauma remains the elections most significant issue. Up to 1,400 people were killed during the protests, with the deadliest violence tied to the security crackdown that the former leader, Sheikha Hasina is accused of ordering, an allegation she denies. A court has since sentenced her to death for crimes against humanity over that crackdown, a legal outcome that doubles as political messaging. In line with this understandable fixation on the up-rising, the absence that is most conspicuous has been that of the Awami League, which was Sheikh Hasina’s party, and remains the largest party in Bangladesh. The interim government has insisted the ban will last only until a special tribunal completes its trial of the party and its leaders, as a means of ensuring accountabiliuty. However, the detractors of this decision claim that by banning the largest political Bangladesh, millions of citizens will remain unrepresented. With this absence, the two parties that are most significant are now the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, and the Jamaat-e-Islami party.
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Continuing Conflicts
West Africa’s jihadist insurgencies are acquiring a new layer of reach and intimidation through the utilization of cheap, commercially available quadcopter drones repurposed into airborne IEDs and surveillance platforms. ACLED data cited by the BBC records at least 69 drone strikes by JNIM (al-Qaeda’s regional affiliate) in Mali and Burkina Faso since 2023, with Islamic State affiliates carrying out roughly 20 more, mostly tied to Nigeria’s long insurgency. The most recent flashpoint is Borno State: on January 29, ISWAP combined armed drones with ground fighters in a two-pronged assault on a military base, killing nine Nigerian soldiers. The pattern is increasingly clear: drones scout, distract, and strike; ground units exploit the confusion and close in. The “war from the skies” framing is not hyperbole so much as a warning about trajectory. The most destabilizing shift is not simply optics and death tolls, but also the afordability and ease in which these drones can be used. They are described as relatively inexpensive and widely available, yet they allow militants to gather intelligence with minimal risk, probe defenses, and attack positions that once demanded costly, casualty-heavy assaults. Even where states tighten import controls, smuggling networks and porous borders do the rest. Any hope of regulation is pitiable when enforcement capacity collapses along borders and when officials treat drone-importation controls as a paperwork exercise rather than a means to dismantling longstanding violent conflicts. JNIM appears to be the most aggressive adopter, with reports of FPV-style tactics, with precision drops of improvised explosives, mirroring techniques that were refined in the war in Ukraine. That matters because precision changes the psychology of war: soldiers are pressured by the sense that nowhere is safe, and civilian life becomes newly exposed when markets or “suspect” communities are framed as legitimate targets. Even if most strikes are aimed at militaries and allied militias, the threshold for civilian harm is low when targeting is opportunistic and accountability nonexistent. Drone warfare reduces the operational cost of harassment, expands the effective perimeter of insurgent control, and rewards groups that can iterate faster than state procurement cycles. Countermeasures, such as jamming, air defense, preemptive strikes on assembly and launch sites, appear feasible and straightforward on paper, but in practice require intelligence penetration, disciplined militaries, and logistics that many West African government military forces do not reliably possess. If governments remain trapped in reactive posture, officially mourning the last attack while militants rehearse the next, this new, “off-the-shelf” escalation will become normalized in a future where insurgents don’t need airpower to impose it.
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Europe
In its attempts to modernize and improve its levers of control, Azerbaijan has been building the architecture of a modern digital state, with cybersecurity training pipelines, AI roadmaps, cross-border tech partnerships. At a February 9 ceremony for the Azerbaijan Cybersecurity Centre, government officials framed this rapid digitalisation as a technocratic success story. Deputy minister Samir Mammadov touted gains in online government efficiency, competitiveness, and service delivery, while simultaneously warning that expanded information systems widen exposure to cyber threats, data confidentiality, integrity, and system vulnerability. T The AI push has been packaged in the same way, as a means of consolidation, centralization, and strategic intent to prepare Azerbaijan for the future and technological advancements. President Ilham Aliyev’s “Artificial Intelligence Strategy for 2025–2028” has been described by government-aligned analysis as a shift from scattered pilot projects to coordinated state management, with AI slated for banking, agriculture, transport, and public administration. Azerbaijan has rapidly risen in global “AI readiness” rankings, however there are significant constraints. Most importantly, there is no mature national language models, there is limited high-performance computing, scarce high-quality Azerbaijani-language datasets, and a shortage of senior engineers who can actually build AI systems, rather than simply operate others. The government’s answer is external partnership: Israel, South Korea, European actors, and outreach to Silicon Valley for cloud, data infrastructure, and implementation know-how. The issues with this increased AI implemtation is not with the technical shortages but rather the political consequences. Regime critics have argued that in systems where power is centralized and accountability is negotiated rather than enforced, digital transformation tends to modernize the state’s coercive capacity faster than it modernizes public trust. Researcher Samira Alakbarli warns that the global AI race is also a contest over values: where democracies debate guardrails, authoritarian regimes often absorb the same tools into surveillance, profiling, and deterrence. The reference points are notabke, mainly with AI-enabled monitoring in China and Russia, it has become far too easy for authoritarian regimes to target and root dissidents, opposition figures, and ordinary citizens alike. The most unsettling and significant aspect of this recent push is the centralization of domestic data. A “Centralised Information and Digital Analytics System” was reportedly created within the State Security Service in late 2024, with its founding regulation briefly posted and later removed, and was described as aggregating expansive personal data, including biometrics, location, health, education, and employment information. Evidently, this system was not a neutral administrative upgrade, but rather the backbone of a comprehensive infomartion aggregating initiative. In the absence of independent oversight, systems like these enable patterning, prediction, and pressure on citizens. At the same time, Azerbaijan’s alleged past use of Israeli-developed spyware against journalists and activists has only sharpened the concern, as well as the broader crackdown (since late 2023) in which dozens of journalists and civil society figures have repeatedly been arrested on foreign currency smuggling charges that are reported to be politically motivated.
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Asia
Malaysia built its modern anti-graft machinery in the shadow of 1MDB, which was a scandal so vast that it became a national parable about impunity. Yet now, the anti-graft apparatus has been accused of helping a small circle of businessmen force founders out of their own companies. In June 2023, rubber-products founder Tai Boon Wee had just been questioned by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) over accounting issues when a new shareholder, Andy Lim, requested a meeting. At a sports-bar restaurant outside Kuala Lumpur, Lim allegedly demanded two board seats. CCTV footage described in reporting shows him leaning back and, as he moved, revealing a pistol tucked into his trousers. Tai later told police Lim said he was “lucky” not to have been shot. Lim has characterized it as an introductory meeting. What has emerged across court filings, police reports, confidential documents, and interviews reveals a pattern that victims describe as a playbook of corruption and graft. A small group of businessmen, often operating separately although sometimes also in loose coordination, would buy a foothold in a target company, most frequently penny stocks. Soon after, MACC would opensor intensify an investigation into the founders. Bank accounts would be frozen. Executives would be suspended, removed from boards, or pressured into resigning. Some would quit to prevent their companies from collapsing, while others would be forced to sell shares at steep discounts to make the case go away. Reports allege even more concerning allegations into the MACC, that in some cases, the anti-corruption officers themselves, fascilitated these shakedowns and personally participated in intimidation. The MACC has denied the allegations and insisted that its investigations are evidence-led, lawful, and subject to prosecutorial and judicial oversight. However, the allegations are not confined to anonymous social media rumors or partisan politically motivated gossip, they include claims from eyewitnesses and even purported internal documentation tying key figures together to the crimes. One internal memo described Andy Lim as a close friend of MACC’s chief commissioner, Azam Baki, and other senior officials. This relationship is significant because it blurs the boundary between who was being policed and who was doing the policing, and because the reporting describes cases where Azam was alleged to have intervened in ways that benefited figures linked to the “corporate mafia” narrative, including allegations that he called police to help get Lim’s gun returned and the case dropped after the restaurant incident.
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Africa
While Senegal’s current governing coalition was carried into office on the shoulders of students, following mass protests, it is now facing them across barricades, smoke, and riot shields. In Dakar, the death of Abdoulaye Ba, a second-year medical student at Cheikh Anta Diop University, has exposed something uglier than a stipend dispute: a state that still knows how to discipline, but not how to deliver. Ba died after unrest broke out on his university campus over unpaid financial aid. Yet, student leaders claim he wasn’t even protesting, and that police beat him in his room and he later died in hospital with severe head injuries. The government has acknowledged “serious events” and promised an inquiry, but its public version of the events has remained indistinct, bureaucratic, carefully worded. On the ground, the story has been clear, with videos circulating on social media of burning residents halls, with students escaping through windows, and cars burning on barricade shrewn streets. The immediate trigger for the unrest was unpaid student stipends of 40,000 francs. Many students are completely reliant on these stipends, and use from rent, meals, meddication, and in some cases, family support. The protests first began in early December, after university cafeteria’s closed due to the students refusal to pay for meals. Yet, the students had refused to pay as they were not given their government guarranteed stipends, without which, many could not afford to pay. /
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Middle East
Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 is running into a more ordinary reality: some marquee “giga-projects” have been slowed or halted, while the day-to-day cost of living in Riyadh has risen faster than many wages. Work on the Mukaab has been paused, construction on The Line has largely stopped, and the Asian Winter Games were moved because the planned resort won’t be ready. Officials now emphasize narrower priorities, like tourism, manufacturing, and logistics, rather than headline-grabbing megastructures and fantastical cities. Average monthly pay has increased since 2016, yet cumulative inflation over the same period is higher, leaving real purchasing power strained for many workers. The expansion of women’s employment has boosted household income in many cases, but a significant share of new jobs are in service roles that tend to pay less than professional-track positions, and women’s pay remains significantly lower than that of their male counterparts. Policy changes have also raised baseline expenses. VAT was introduced, then increased during the pandemic and not rolled back, while subsidies for utilities and fuel have been reduced. The retirement age has been raised, adding to the sense that people are being asked to contribute more, for longer. At the same time, civil liberties remain entirely out of grasp. The Saudi government has concentrated these stresses because they have helped make Saudi a stronger magnet for jobs and investment. However, as the city has pulled in both Saudis and expatriates, rents have climbed sharply since 2020, and apartment prices have risen quickly compared with other parts of the country. Even when more families own homes, buying into Riyadh has become more expensive. Vision 2030 aims to shift citizens from public-sector roles into private-sector work, while also attracting skilled expatriates in finance and tech. For some young Saudis, that combination can feel like competition at the top end alongside downward pressure into lower-paid service work at the bottom, especially once housing costs are factored in.
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Americas
Despite the ongoing security crisis in Sinaloa, the Mexican government has been attempting to present an aura of stability and whitewash recent events. Government official, Omar García Harfuch has claimed the miners abducted in Sinaloa on January 23 were taken because a Los Chapitos–linked cell misidentified them as members of a rival group. The government has paired his account with a triumphant national statistic: a claimed 42% drop in intentional homicides over the past five months. But in Sinaloa, the sense of security remains scarce, and impunity triumphs. Families and coworkers describe armed men going straight to the Clementinas camp near Concordia, (the place the workers lived, slept, and rested) and taking them in the early morning. They were not intercepted on a remote road,aught in crossfire, or swept up by any sort of “unfortunate” and “mistaken” accident. The Attorney General’s Office (FGR), now leading the investigation, has reported the discovery of at least five bodies in clandestine graves near El Verde, not far from Concordia’s municipal center. Another five bodies are reportedly awaiting identification. Even without confirming identities, the geometry of the case hardens: ten workers vanished, and ten bodies appear in the orbit of the disappearance. The slow drip of information, with partial confirmations, forensic limbo, murmurs of more graves, reads less like caution than containment, as if the state is managing the tempo of public understanding rather than confronting the scale of what it has found. Sinaloa has registered a string of kidnappings and attacks in recent weeks. Five men disappeared in Ahome; four tourists vanished in Mazatlán; gunmen opened fire on two local lawmakers from Citizens’ Movement. The cumulative effect is a map of insecurity expanding outward sfrom Culiacán’s traditional trenches. The miners’ case stands out not only for the number of victims, but for what it suggests about control: armed groups are no longer confined to ambushes on roads or battles in the hills. They can enter a work camp in daylight and remove people just like inventory.
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President Samia Suluhu Hassan
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